| Here's a really interesting book review.
 
 efc
 
 ==
 
 January 30, 2005
 'Collapse': How the World Ends
 By GREGG EASTERBROOK
 
 From the New York Times Book Review
 
 COLLAPSE
 
 How Societies Choose to Fail or Succeed.
 By Jared Diamond.
 Illustrated. 575 pp. Viking. $29.95.
 
 EIGHT years ago Jared Diamond realized what is, for authors,
 increasingly a fantasy -- he published a serious, challenging and
 complex book that became a huge commercial success. ''Guns, Germs, and
 Steel'' won a Pulitzer Prize, then sold a million copies, astonishing
 for a 480-page volume of archeological speculation on how the world
 reached its present ordering of nations. Now he has written a sequel,
 ''Collapse,'' which asks whether present nations can last. Taken
 together, ''Guns, Germs, and Steel'' and ''Collapse'' represent one of
 the most significant projects embarked upon by any intellectual of our
 generation. They are magnificent books: extraordinary in erudition and
 originality, compelling in their ability to relate the digitized
 pandemonium of the present to the hushed agrarian sunrises of the far
 past. I read both thinking what literature might be like if every author
 knew so much, wrote so clearly and formed arguments with such care. All
 of which makes the two books exasperating, because both come to
 conclusions that are probably wrong.
 
 ''Guns'' asked why the West is atop the food chain of nations. Its
 conclusion, that Western success was a coincidence driven by good luck,
 has proven extremely influential in academia, as the view is
 quintessentially postmodern. Now ''Collapse'' posits that the Western
 way of life is flirting with the sudden ruin that caused past societies
 like the Anasazi and the Mayans to vanish. Because this view, too, is
 exactly what postmodernism longs to hear, ''Collapse'' may prove
 influential as well.
 
 Born in Boston in 1937, Diamond is a professor of geography at the
 University of California, Los Angeles. Initially he specialized in
 conservation biology, studying bird diversity in New Guinea; in 1985 he
 won one of the early MacArthur ''genius grants.'' Gradually he began to
 wonder why societies of the western Pacific islands never developed the
 metallurgy, farming techniques or industrial production of Eurasia.
 Diamond also studied the application of natural-selection theory to
 physiology, and in 1999 received a National Medal of Science for that
 work, which is partly reflected in his book ''Why Is Sex Fun?'' (Sex is
 fun; the book is serious.) Today Diamond often returns to the Pacific
 rim, especially Australia, where in the outback one may still hear the
 rustle of distant animal cries just as our forebears heard them in the
 far past.
 
 ''Collapse'' may be read alone, but begins where ''Guns, Germs, and
 Steel'' ended: essentially the two form a single 1,000-page book. The
 thesis of the first part is that environmental coincidences are the
 principal factor in human history. Diamond contends it was chance, not
 culture or brainpower, that brought industrial power first to Europe;
 Western civilization has nothing to boast about.
 
 Many arguments in ''Guns'' were dazzling. Diamond showed, for example,
 that as the last ice age ended, by chance Eurasia held many plants that
 could be bred for controlled farming. The Americas had few edible plants
 suitable for cross-breeding, while Africa had poor soil owing to the
 millions of years since it had been glaciated. Thus large-scale food
 production began first in the Fertile Crescent, China and Europe.
 Population in those places rose, and that meant lots of people living
 close together, which accelerated invention; in other locations the
 low-population hunter-gatherer lifestyle of antiquity remained in place.
 ''Guns'' contends the fundamental reason Europe of the middle period
 could send sailing ships to explore the Americas and Africa, rather than
 these areas sending sailing ships to explore Europe, is that ancient
 happenstance involving plants gave Europe a food edge that translated
 into a head start on technology. Then, the moment European societies
 forged steel and fashioned guns, they acquired a runaway advantage no
 hunter-gatherer society could possibly counter.
 
 Also, as the ice age ended, Eurasia was home to large mammals that
 could be domesticated, while most parts of the globe were not. In early
 history, animals were power: huge advantages were granted by having
 cattle for meat and milk, horses and elephants for war. Horses --
 snarling devil-monsters to the Inca -- were a reason 169 Spaniards could
 kill thousands of Incas at the battle of Cajamarca in 1532, for example.
 ''Rhino-mounted Bantu shock troops could have overthrown the Roman
 Empire,'' Diamond speculates, but the rhino and other large mammals of
 Africa defied domestication, leaving that continent at a competitive
 disadvantage.
 
 Large populations and the fact that Eurasians lived among domesticated
 animals meant Europe was rife with sicknesses to which the survivors
 acquired immunity. When Europeans began to explore other lands, their
 microbes wiped out indigenous populations, easing conquest. Almost all
 variations in societies, Diamond concludes, are caused not by societies
 themselves but by ''differences in their environments''; the last 500
 years of rising power for the West ''has its ultimate roots in
 developments between about 11,000 B.C. and A.D. 1,'' the deck always
 stacked in Europe's favor.
 
 In this respect, ''Guns, Germs, and Steel'' is pure political
 correctness, and its P.C. quotient was a reason the book won praise. But
 the book must not be dismissed because it is P.C.: sometimes politically
 correct is, after all, correct. The flaws of the work are more subtle,
 and they set the stage for ''Collapse.'' One flaw was that Diamond
 argued mainly from the archaeological record -- a record that is a
 haphazard artifact of items that just happened to survive. We know
 precious little about what was going on in 11,000 B.C., and much of what
 we think we know is inferential. It may be decades or centuries until we
 understand human prehistory, if we ever do.
 
 Diamond's analysis discounts culture and human thought as forces in
 history; culture, especially, is seen as a side effect of environment.
 The big problem with this view is explaining why China -- which around
 the year 1000 was significantly ahead of Europe in development, and
 possessed similar advantages in animals and plants -- fell behind. This
 happened, Diamond says, because China adopted a single-ruler society
 that banned change. True, but how did environment or animal husbandry
 dictate this? China's embrace of a change-resistant society was a
 cultural phenomenon. During the same period China was adopting centrally
 regimented life, Europe was roiled by the idea of individualism.
 Individualism proved a potent force, a source of power, invention and
 motivation. Yet Diamond considers ideas to be nearly irrelevant,
 compared with microbes and prevailing winds. Supply the right
 environmental conditions, and inevitably there will be a factory
 manufacturing jet engines.
 
 Many thinkers have attempted single-explanation theories for history.
 Such attempts hold innate appeal -- wouldn't it be great if there were a
 single explanation! -- but have a poor track record. My guess is that
 despite its conspicuous brilliance, ''Guns, Germs, and Steel'' will
 eventually be viewed as a drastic oversimplification. Its arguments come
 perilously close to determinism, and it is hard to believe that the
 world is as it is because it had to be that way.
 
 Diamond ended his 1997 book by supposing, ''The challenge now is to
 develop human history as a science.'' That is what ''Collapse'' attempts
 -- to use history as a science to forecast whether the current world
 order will fail. To research his new book, Diamond traveled to the
 scenes of vanished societies like Easter Island, Norse Greenland, the
 Anasazi, the Mayans. He must have put enormous effort into ''Collapse,''
 and his willingness to do so after achieving wealth and literary
 celebrity -- surely publishers would have taken anything he dashed off
 -- speaks well of his dedication.
 
 ''Collapse'' spends considerable pages contemplating past life on
 Easter Island, as well as on Pitcairn and Henderson islands, and on
 Greenland, an island. Deforestation, the book shows, was a greater
 factor in the breakdown of societies in these places than commonly
 understood. Because trees take so long to regrow, deforestation has more
 severe consequences than crop failure, and can trigger disastrous
 erosion. Centuries ago, the deforestation of Easter Island allowed wind
 to blow off the island's thin topsoil: ''starvation, a population crash
 and a descent into cannibalism'' followed, leaving those haunting
 statues for Europeans to find. Climate change and deforestation that set
 off soil loss, Diamond shows, were leading causes of the Anasazi and
 Mayan declines. ''Collapse'' reminds us that like fossil fuels, soil is
 a resource that took millions of years to accumulate and that humanity
 now races through: Diamond estimates current global soil loss at 10 to
 40 times the rate of soil formation. Deforestation ''was a or the major
 factor'' in all the collapsed societies he describes, while climate
 change was a recurring menace.
 
 How much do Diamond's case studies bear on current events? He writes
 mainly about isolated islands and pretechnology populations. Imagine the
 conditions when Erik the Red founded his colony on frigid Greenland in
 984 -- if something went wrong, the jig was up. As isolated systems,
 islands are more vulnerable than continents. Most dire warnings about
 species extinction, for example, are estimates drawn from studies of
 island ecologies, where a stressed species may have no place to retreat
 to. ''Collapse'' declares that ''a large fraction'' of the world's
 species may fall extinct in the next 50 years, which is the kind of
 conclusion favored by biologists who base their research on islands. But
 most species don't live on islands. The International Union for the
 Conservation of Nature, the leading authority on biodiversity, estimates
 that about 9 percent of the world's vertebrate species are imperiled.
 That's plenty bad enough, but does not support the idea that a ''large
 fraction'' of species are poised to vanish. Like most species, most
 people do not live on islands, yet ''Collapse'' tries to generalize from
 environmental failures on isolated islands to environmental threats to
 society as a whole.
 
 Diamond rightly warns of alarming trends in biodiversity, soil loss,
 freshwater limits (China is depleting its aquifers at a breakneck rate),
 overfishing (much of the developing world relies on the oceans for
 protein) and climate change (there is a strong scientific consensus that
 future warming could be dangerous). These and other trends may lead to a
 global crash: ''Our world society is presently on a nonsustainable
 course.'' The West, especially, is in peril: ''The prosperity that the
 First World enjoys at present is based on spending down its
 environmental capital.'' Calamity could come quickly: ''A society's
 steep decline may begin only a decade or two after the society reaches
 its peak numbers, wealth and power.''
 
 Because population pressure played a prominent role in the collapses of
 some past societies, Diamond especially fears population growth. Owing
 to sheer numbers it is an ''impossibility'' that the developing world
 will ever reach Western living standards. Some projections suggest the
 globe's population, now about 6 billion, may peak at about 8.5 billion.
 To Diamond, this is a nightmare scenario: defenders of population growth
 ''nonchalantly'' mention ''adding 'only' 2.5 billion more people . . .
 as if that were acceptable.'' Population growth has made Los Angeles
 ''less appealing,'' especially owing to traffic: ''I have never met an
 Angeleno (and very few people anywhere in the world) who personally
 expressed a desire for increased population.'' About the only
 nonaboriginal society Diamond has kind words for is pre-Meiji Japan,
 where population control was strictly enforced. But wait -- pre-Meiji
 Japan collapsed!
 
 If 2.5 billion more people are not ''acceptable,'' how, exactly, would
 Diamond prevent their births? He does not say. Nuclear war, plague, a
 comet strike or coerced mass sterilizations seem the only forces that
 might stop the human population from rising to its predicted peak.
 Everyone dislikes traffic jams and other aspects of population density,
 but people are here and cannot be wished away; the challenge is to
 manage social pressure and create enough jobs until the population peak
 arrives. And is it really an ''impossibility'' for developing-world
 living standards to reach the Western level? A century ago, rationalists
 would have called global consumption of 78 million barrels per day of
 petroleum an impossibility, and that's the latest figure.
 
 If trends remain unchanged, the global economy is unsustainable. But
 the Fallacy of Uninterrupted Trends tells us patterns won't remain
 unchanged. For instance, deforestation of the United States, rampant in
 the 19th century, has stopped: forested acreage of the country began
 rising during the 20th century, and is still rising. Why? Wood is no
 longer a primary fuel, while high-yield agriculture allowed millions of
 acres to be retired from farming and returned to trees. Today wood is a
 primary fuel in the developing world, so deforestation is acute; but if
 developing nations move on to other energy sources, forest cover will
 regrow. If the West changes from fossil fuel to green power, its worst
 resource trend will not continue uninterrupted.
 
 Though Diamond endorses ''cautious optimism,'' ''Collapse'' comes to a
 wary view of the human prospect. Diamond fears our fate was set in
 motion in antiquity -- we're living off the soil and petroleum
 bequeathed by the far past, and unless there are profound changes in
 behavior, all may crash when legacy commodities run out. Oddly, for
 someone with a background in evolutionary theory, he seems not to
 consider society's evolutionary arc. He thinks backward 13,000 years,
 forward only a decade or two. What might human society be like 13,000
 years from now? Above us in the Milky Way are essentially infinite
 resources and living space. If the phase of fossil-driven technology
 leads to discoveries that allow Homo sapiens to move into the galaxy,
 then resources, population pressure and other issues that worry Diamond
 will be forgotten. Most of the earth may even be returned to primordial
 stillness, and the whole thing would have happened in the blink of an
 eye by nature's standards.
 
 
 
 Gregg Easterbrook is an editor of The New Republic, a fellow of the
 Brookings Institution and the author, most recently, of ''The Progress
 Paradox.''
 
 
 
 
 Copyright 2005 The New York Times Company | Home | Privacy Policy |
 Search | Corrections | RSS | Help | Back to Top
 
 
 
 
 |